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Stephen M. St. John
Post Office Box 449
New York, NY 10185
212 534 5024
917 519 2905
metatron.metatron@verizon.net
31 January 2005Chief Justice William H. RehnquistSupreme Court of
the United States1 First Street, N. E.Washington, DC 20543Dear Chief Justice Rehnquist, I write
to you as a concerned citizen of the United States who is a Federal employee under oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I am asking you to focus on a very grave matter fraught with
serious implications touching on the conduct of former President George Herbert Walker Bush. Primary documentary evidence,
as set forth below and in attachments to this letter, shows that George H. W. Bush was in Dallas, Texas on the day of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy and that on the next day he served as a conduit of disinformation so as to promote
a misleading public perception of the person accused of the crime, Lee Harvey Oswald.
My doubts about former President Bush emanate from careful consideration of two memos of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
one written by the Director John Edgar Hoover and dated 29 November 1963, and the other by Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel
and dated 22 November 1963, the very day of the JFK assassination. (I became aware of the Hoover memo in 1990 and obtained
a copy of it directly from FBI Headquarters in Washington, DC on a visit there in June of 1991. This Hoover memo was
published the same year in Mark Lane's Plausible Denial and a year later in Robert
Morrow's Firsthand Knowledge. I became aware of the Kitchel memo in 2003 and
that same year obtained a copy of it by mail from the National Archives. The Kitchel memo is not as well known to researchers
as the Hoover memo and as far as I know it has never been published.)
As I will explain below, the Hoover and Kitchel memos help interpret each other. Perhaps by coincidence only and certainly
unbeknownst to me at the time, the Kitchel memo was declassified on 15 October 1993, exactly two days after I had hand-delivered
complaints of judicial misconduct (93-8533 and 93-8534), which are relevant to the topic of this letter, to the Clerk of the
United States Court of Appeals, 2nd Circuit, according to provisions set forth in the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act
of 1980 (28 U.S.C.372(c)). Whatever the case, the Kitchel memo establishes George H. W. Bush's whereabouts in Dallas
the day Kennedy died and the next day, 23 November 1963, the day before the assassination of the accused, Lee Harvey Oswald. After perusal of the Kitchel memo (see attached) obvious questions arise, which I believe explain why this memo remained hidden from certain investigators
for three decades and from me for four decades. Why did George H. W. Bush wait until after JFK was pronounced dead to
inform on a Houston resident who allegedly was making threats against the president? Why did Bush wait a day, until
after JFK had visited Houston on 21 November, to pass this information to the FBI? Why did Bush withhold potentially
useful information known to him for weeks before JFK's trip to Texas and then reveal it to the FBI when it was too late to
act upon? Why did Bush fail to give a timely warning? Will George H. W. Bush take the answers to these questions
to the grave? I hope not! Bearing in mind that the Kitchel
memo reveals Bush's need for confidentiality with respect to his untimely reporting of hearsay from a "source unknown"
as well as his advice to the FBI to contact his colleagues at the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters for further
information, I have concluded that Bush was establishing in his telephone contact with Kitchel a pretext for being in Dallas
on the 22nd and 23rd of November 1963 so as to disguise a purpose entirely different than simply giving what we now know with
benefit of hindsight to be useless information. That entirely different purpose is revealed in the Hoover memo (see attached). Written on 29 November 1963, one week after the
JFK assassination and on the very day of the establishment of the Warren Commission by executive order, the Hoover memo ostensibly
concerns itself with the reaction of the Cuban community in south Florida to the events of the previous week in Dallas.
Implicit in Hoover's words is the understanding that Oswald's pro-Castro public persona could potentially cause dangerous
international ramifications with Cuba or Cuba's sponsor, the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. But let us delve into the matter of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona, which had
the potential of not only setting off a nuclear war of mutually assured destruction, but also, as an inviting alternative
according to the logic that prevailed at the time, of letting one man, taken from prison and from judgment, die so that others
may live. This pro-Castro public persona of Oswald was established at a press conference inside the Dallas Police Headquarters
on the night of 22 November when Jack Ruby, who later shot and killed Oswald on 24 November, corrected Dallas District Attorney
Henry Wade's assertion that Oswald was with the anti-Castro "Free Cuba" movement by telling him before assembled
reporters from around the world that Oswald was with the pro-Castro "Fair Play for Cuba" movement, which Wade instantly
accepted as though in deference to a higher authority. (Ruby's correction of Wade's statement was recorded by news organizations
and Ruby later recollected the event under direct questioning by Chief Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964 during a deposition
taken in Dallas as per The Warren Commission Hearings, Volume 5, page 189.)
Thus this supposed "two bit gangster and minor trafficker in women and narcotics" established Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona as accepted fact even though official investigations were barely under way that night and the mandate of the
Warren Commission was still six days into the future. Such is the provenance of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona. Later, in 1968, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison established that
Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence community in New Orleans where he was "sheep-dipped"
to take on the guise of a pro-Castro agitator. Hence the false and misleading characterization of Oswald as pro-Castro,
which was all too readily made available to the news media soon after his arrest. Oswald insisted all along that he
was a "patsy"; i.e., a person who is easily manipulated or victimized. Oswald said "I never killed anybody"
but never exercised his basic civil right to defend himself against false accusations in a court of law. And so the day before Jack Ruby killed Oswald, when the airwaves were pulsing with Jack
Ruby's pro-Castro spin on Oswald, United States Government officials had already essentially ratified Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona by monitoring the Cuban exile community in south Florida for possible untoward reactions in the aftermath of
the JFK assassination and reporting back their somewhat reassuring findings, which are memorialized in Hoover's memo, which
concludes: "The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau."
George H. W. Bush, not by his phone in his Houston office on 23 November 1963, was nevertheless readily available by phone
or by personal visit because he had told Graham Kitchel that he would be staying at the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel on 22 and 23
November. As the Hoover memo demonstrates, not only did the FBI know how to contact George H. W. Bush on the road, but
the exchange of information between Mr. W. T. Forsyth and George H. W. Bush certainly had nothing to do with the ostensible
reason for Bush's contact with the FBI the previous day; namely, a college student in Houston who according to sources unknown
was shooting off his mouth about JFK in the weeks prior to JFK's visit to Texas. This exchange of information was all
about everybody getting the story straight. Hoover, it seems, wanted everybody reading in unison from the same page;
namely, the pro-Castro portrayal of Oswald as spun by Jack Ruby. But did Hoover treat George H. W. Bush as a person
with a need to know, or was it the other way around? Chief Justice
Rehnquist, at the start of this letter I asked you to focus on a very grave matter touching on the conduct of former president
George H. W. Bush. I thank you for having read thus far. But now I would like to ask you to use your power as
the highest judicial officer in these United States to investigate this matter with a view toward the administration of justice,
the confirmation of historical truth, and the exercise of accountability on the part of a public servant. To conclude, I also wish to go briefly into two areas of the JFK assassination which
are not common knowledge but are nevertheless necessary to consider in order to reach sound conclusions. In this day and age when weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East are
a big concern, a reopening of the JFK assassination investigation would be quite apt for the times. Let me explain.
Elected in 1960, by 1961 JFK was locked in a bitter behind-the-scenes struggle with the Zionist state's Prime Minister David
Ben Gurion over the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program that had been started at Dimona in the Negev in 1956. This
fact was brought to light more than three decades later, in 1991, with the publication of Seymour Hersh's The Samson Option, in chapter eight, "A Presidential Struggle." JFK wanted to end the Zionist
state's nuclear weapons program because he foresaw that such a program would only result in a regional arms race for countervailing
weapons of mass destruction. This very wise policy ended with his assassination, which enabled the Zionists to prevail
in their determination to maintain the threat of nuclear weapons capability. However, the cui
bono? test has never been applied to the Zionist state in any official investigation of the JFK assassination.
But a highly intelligent and patriotically motivated researcher by the name of Michael Collins Piper has applied the cui bono? test to the Zionist state and the international web of conspiracy which he describes
in detail in his book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy,
is indeed quite startling. Michael Collins Piper has shined a light in some rather dark places. In the name of
peace and justice, I implore you, Chief Justice Rehnquist, to look at his work which I believe you will find compelling, for
it may well be that deeply rooted treason and corruption have prevented a truly just and comprehensive peace in the Middle
East, including a region from the Nile to the Euphrates rivers free from the threat of weapons of mass destruction.
(Piper's Final Judgment may be obtained at 888 699 6397.) Finally,
I note that the Talmudic law of the moser, or the law of the Jewish informer, is essentially a covenant prohibiting a Jew
from informing on another Jew to a non-Jew, which is diametrically opposed to the adversarial process of our own legal system
and therefore conducive toward obstruction of justice. Furthermore, among employees at all levels in our intelligence
and law enforcement communities, the law of the moser constitutes an impediment to frank and uninhibited exchanges of information
in the discharge of their duties and therefore poses a threat to our national security. I cannot overemphasize the great
importance of this very real issue of the law of the moser, or law of the Jewish informer, the history of which you can read
online at www.JewishEncyclopedia.com. In my complaint of judicial misconduct docketed under Miscellaneous Number 01-0030 on 1 June
2001 by the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 11th Circuit, I cite a living rabbi's more recent (1997) published
article promulgating the law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer. Again, this is a very real issue, not unlike
the Mafioso code of omertà. The Warren Commission was oblivious to it. So was the 9/11 Commission.
We continue to ignore this issue at our national peril. Let us address in a forthright manner this issue of the Talmudic
law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer and its legal, national security and foreign policy implications.Very truly yours,Stephen M. St. JohnCopy
to: Associate Justice John Paul Stevens
Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
Associate Justice Antonin Scalia
Associate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
Associate Justice David Hackett Souter
Associate Justice Clarence Thomas
Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Associate Justice Stephen G. Breyer
Michael Collins Piper
Et al.************************************************************************************************************************* Supplementary note to readers
of this letter posted on the Internet
The following two sections A & B show verbatim reproductions of the texts of the 29
November 1963 Hoover memo and the 22 November 1963 Kitchel memo. The original copies show time
stamps, routing designations, declassification stamps, signatures, handwritten initials and the like, whereas the verbatim
reproductions that follow show only the text. Copies of the originals were attached to the letter mailed to Chief Justice
Rehnquist. Click here to view scanned copies of the originals.A
***Verbatim Reproduction of 29 November 1963 Hoover FBI Memo***Date:
November 29, 1963To:
Director
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of StateFrom: John
Edgar Hoover, DirectorSubject: ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY
NOVEMBER 22, 1963 Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963,
advised that the Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the Department of State feels some misguided
anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U. S. policy, which is not true. Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters in
the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among
those who did not entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the President's death represents
a great loss not only to the U. S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no plans for unauthorized action
against Cuba. An informant who has
furnished reliable information in the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that these individuals
are afraid that the assassination of the President may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them and,
although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination.
The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and
Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau.B ***Verbatim Reproduction of
22 November 1963 Kitchel FBI Memo***TO: SAC, HOUSTON
DATE: 11-22-63FROM: SA GRAHAM W. KITCHELSUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT;
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
JOHN F. KENNEDY At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE
H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston, telephonically
furnished the following information to writer by long distance telephone call from Tyler, Texas.
BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential but wanted to furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks,
the day and source unknown. He stated that one JAMES PARROTT has been talking of killing the President when he comes
to Houston. BUSH stated that PARROTT
is possibly a student at the University of Houston and is active in political matters in this area. He stated that he
felt Mrs. FAWLEY, telephone number SU 2-5239, or ARLINE SMITH, telephone number JA 9-9194 of the Harris County Republican
Party Headquarters would be able to furnish additional information regarding the identity of PARROTT. BUSH stated that he was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would
remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel and return to his residence on 11-23-63. His office telephone number is CA 2-0395. **********************************************************************************************************************************************************************************
UPDATE
6 APRIL 2009 Text of fax broadcast:
WILL GEORGE H. W. BUSH CARRY SECRETS OF JFK ASSASSINATION TO
HIS GRAVE?
6 APRIL 2009
NEW YORK, NEW YORK * 6 APRIL 2009 Citizen of the
USA Stephen M. St. John addresses the international community in Washington and here in New York City, all members of the
US Congress as well as other organizations and individuals, public and private, and notes a sly manipulation of the historical
record in the recently released book, Family of Secrets, by Russ Baker (New York,
New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009).
On page 59 Baker asserts without any evidence whatsoever that George H.
W. Bush, after having flown back to Dallas from Tyler, Texas on the afternoon of 22 November 1963, "left again
almost immediately on a commercial flight to Houston." Such a ploy by an otherwise seemingly meticulous researcher
is a dodgy way to steer readers from conclusions made in Citizen St. John's letter of 31 January 2005 to then Chief Justice
of the United States William H. Rehnquist, copies of which were faxed to all members of the US Congress, some of whom gave
interesting replies, with some signed by hand. See http://www.show-the-house.com/id6.html.
There is no evidence that Bush did not stay overnight in Dallas on 22-23 November according to the advice he gave
the FBI earlier that day.
As shown in the Letter to Rehnquist, both George H. W. Bush and Jack Ruby were engaged
in the promulgation of Lee Harvey Oswald's false and misleading public persona as a pro-Castro agitator.
The implications
of the Bush/Ruby spin on Oswald go to the heart of the matter, and Mr. Baker apparently doesn't want to go there, and finds
it convenient to fabricate an alibi for Bush by saying without proof that Bush went home to Houston that Friday afternoon.
Lurking in the background, of course, is the CIA's then Chief of Counterintelligence and "Israel Desk,"
James Jesus Angleton, who opposed JFK's policy of a nuclear weapons free Middle East and also kept track of Oswald.
The Angleton/Eliot Same Man theory gives a quantum leap to our understanding of the JFK assassination and the Jewish state's
nuclear weapons program.
Better understanding of history will best illuminate our future and support President
Obama's call to eliminate WMDs worldwide.
Visit http://www.show-the-house.com/id35.html to buy historic Schlesinger letter, the first notable reference to the Angleton/Eliot Same Man Theory, which was later confirmed
by former CIA Director Richard Helms in his autobiography.
Price: $3,000,000.00 (20% off for nations
under crippling sanctions; no discount for nations stronger despite sanctions)
Stephen M. St. John
Post Office
Box 449
New York, New York 10185
http://www.show-the-house.com/ *********************************************************************************************************************************************************************************
cid:{93D94C6D-41B3-47E9-9CD4-3E97062CCD14}/BushJfkBookDepo2.jpg
Photo below shows
the entrance of the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the assassination of US President John F. Kennedy. At
far left stands a man with a remarkable resemblance to George Herbert Walker Bush. FBI agent Graham Kitchel alleges
that Bush called from Tyler, Texas around this time. Was Kitchel providing an alibi for Bush? In the subsequent
24 hour period, Bush and Jack Ruby worked feverishly to portray the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, as a pro-Castro activist,
when in fact he had worked with anti-Castro groups. Shown
below is a close-up of man who looks like George H. W. Bush outside the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the JFK
assassination. Superior WASP profile constitutes good grounds for interrogation of Bush, but even though this photo
has circulated in the JFK assassination research community for well over a decade, Bush may very well go to his grave without
explaining his highly questionable activities in Dallas on 22 and 23 November 1963.
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