Stephen M. St. John
Post Office Box 449
New York, NY 10185
212 534 5024
917 519 2905
31 January 2005Chief Justice William H. RehnquistSupreme Court of
the United States1 First Street, N. E.Washington, DC 20543Dear Chief Justice Rehnquist, I write
to you as a concerned citizen of the United States who is a Federal employee under oath to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I am asking you to focus on a very grave matter fraught with
serious implications touching on the conduct of former President George Herbert Walker Bush. Primary documentary evidence,
as set forth below and in attachments to this letter, shows that George H. W. Bush was in Dallas, Texas on the day of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy and that on the next day he served as a conduit of disinformation so as to promote
a misleading public perception of the person accused of the crime, Lee Harvey Oswald.
My doubts about former President Bush emanate from careful consideration of two memos of the Federal Bureau of Investigation,
one written by the Director John Edgar Hoover and dated 29 November 1963, and the other by Special Agent Graham W. Kitchel
and dated 22 November 1963, the very day of the JFK assassination. (I became aware of the Hoover memo in 1990 and obtained
a copy of it directly from FBI Headquarters in Washington, DC on a visit there in June of 1991. This Hoover memo was
published the same year in Mark Lane's Plausible Denial and a year later in Robert
Morrow's Firsthand Knowledge. I became aware of the Kitchel memo in 2003 and
that same year obtained a copy of it by mail from the National Archives. The Kitchel memo is not as well known to researchers
as the Hoover memo and as far as I know it has never been published.)
As I will explain below, the Hoover and Kitchel memos help interpret each other. Perhaps by coincidence only and certainly
unbeknownst to me at the time, the Kitchel memo was declassified on 15 October 1993, exactly two days after I had hand-delivered
complaints of judicial misconduct (93-8533 and 93-8534), which are relevant to the topic of this letter, to the Clerk of the
United States Court of Appeals, 2nd Circuit, according to provisions set forth in the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act
of 1980 (28 U.S.C.372(c)). Whatever the case, the Kitchel memo establishes George H. W. Bush's whereabouts in Dallas
the day Kennedy died and the next day, 23 November 1963, the day before the assassination of the accused, Lee Harvey Oswald. After perusal of the Kitchel memo (see attached) obvious questions arise, which I believe explain why this memo remained hidden from certain investigators
for three decades and from me for four decades. Why did George H. W. Bush wait until after JFK was pronounced dead to
inform on a Houston resident who allegedly was making threats against the president? Why did Bush wait a day, until
after JFK had visited Houston on 21 November, to pass this information to the FBI? Why did Bush withhold potentially
useful information known to him for weeks before JFK's trip to Texas and then reveal it to the FBI when it was too late to
act upon? Why did Bush fail to give a timely warning? Will George H. W. Bush take the answers to these questions
to the grave? I hope not! Bearing in mind that the Kitchel
memo reveals Bush's need for confidentiality with respect to his untimely reporting of hearsay from a "source unknown"
as well as his advice to the FBI to contact his colleagues at the Harris County Republican Party Headquarters for further
information, I have concluded that Bush was establishing in his telephone contact with Kitchel a pretext for being in Dallas
on the 22nd and 23rd of November 1963 so as to disguise a purpose entirely different than simply giving what we now know with
benefit of hindsight to be useless information. That entirely different purpose is revealed in the Hoover memo (see attached). Written on 29 November 1963, one week after the
JFK assassination and on the very day of the establishment of the Warren Commission by executive order, the Hoover memo ostensibly
concerns itself with the reaction of the Cuban community in south Florida to the events of the previous week in Dallas.
Implicit in Hoover's words is the understanding that Oswald's pro-Castro public persona could potentially cause dangerous
international ramifications with Cuba or Cuba's sponsor, the erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. But let us delve into the matter of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona, which had
the potential of not only setting off a nuclear war of mutually assured destruction, but also, as an inviting alternative
according to the logic that prevailed at the time, of letting one man, taken from prison and from judgment, die so that others
may live. This pro-Castro public persona of Oswald was established at a press conference inside the Dallas Police Headquarters
on the night of 22 November when Jack Ruby, who later shot and killed Oswald on 24 November, corrected Dallas District Attorney
Henry Wade's assertion that Oswald was with the anti-Castro "Free Cuba" movement by telling him before assembled
reporters from around the world that Oswald was with the pro-Castro "Fair Play for Cuba" movement, which Wade instantly
accepted as though in deference to a higher authority. (Ruby's correction of Wade's statement was recorded by news organizations
and Ruby later recollected the event under direct questioning by Chief Justice Earl Warren on 7 June 1964 during a deposition
taken in Dallas as per The Warren Commission Hearings, Volume 5, page 189.)
Thus this supposed "two bit gangster and minor trafficker in women and narcotics" established Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona as accepted fact even though official investigations were barely under way that night and the mandate of the
Warren Commission was still six days into the future. Such is the provenance of Oswald's pro-Castro public persona. Later, in 1968, New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison established that
Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence community in New Orleans where he was "sheep-dipped"
to take on the guise of a pro-Castro agitator. Hence the false and misleading characterization of Oswald as pro-Castro,
which was all too readily made available to the news media soon after his arrest. Oswald insisted all along that he
was a "patsy"; i.e., a person who is easily manipulated or victimized. Oswald said "I never killed anybody"
but never exercised his basic civil right to defend himself against false accusations in a court of law. And so the day before Jack Ruby killed Oswald, when the airwaves were pulsing with Jack
Ruby's pro-Castro spin on Oswald, United States Government officials had already essentially ratified Oswald's pro-Castro
public persona by monitoring the Cuban exile community in south Florida for possible untoward reactions in the aftermath of
the JFK assassination and reporting back their somewhat reassuring findings, which are memorialized in Hoover's memo, which
concludes: "The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence
Agency and Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau."
George H. W. Bush, not by his phone in his Houston office on 23 November 1963, was nevertheless readily available by phone
or by personal visit because he had told Graham Kitchel that he would be staying at the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel on 22 and 23
November. As the Hoover memo demonstrates, not only did the FBI know how to contact George H. W. Bush on the road, but
the exchange of information between Mr. W. T. Forsyth and George H. W. Bush certainly had nothing to do with the ostensible
reason for Bush's contact with the FBI the previous day; namely, a college student in Houston who according to sources unknown
was shooting off his mouth about JFK in the weeks prior to JFK's visit to Texas. This exchange of information was all
about everybody getting the story straight. Hoover, it seems, wanted everybody reading in unison from the same page;
namely, the pro-Castro portrayal of Oswald as spun by Jack Ruby. But did Hoover treat George H. W. Bush as a person
with a need to know, or was it the other way around? Chief Justice
Rehnquist, at the start of this letter I asked you to focus on a very grave matter touching on the conduct of former president
George H. W. Bush. I thank you for having read thus far. But now I would like to ask you to use your power as
the highest judicial officer in these United States to investigate this matter with a view toward the administration of justice,
the confirmation of historical truth, and the exercise of accountability on the part of a public servant. To conclude, I also wish to go briefly into two areas of the JFK assassination which
are not common knowledge but are nevertheless necessary to consider in order to reach sound conclusions. In this day and age when weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East are
a big concern, a reopening of the JFK assassination investigation would be quite apt for the times. Let me explain.
Elected in 1960, by 1961 JFK was locked in a bitter behind-the-scenes struggle with the Zionist state's Prime Minister David
Ben Gurion over the Zionist state's nuclear weapons program that had been started at Dimona in the Negev in 1956. This
fact was brought to light more than three decades later, in 1991, with the publication of Seymour Hersh's The Samson Option, in chapter eight, "A Presidential Struggle." JFK wanted to end the Zionist
state's nuclear weapons program because he foresaw that such a program would only result in a regional arms race for countervailing
weapons of mass destruction. This very wise policy ended with his assassination, which enabled the Zionists to prevail
in their determination to maintain the threat of nuclear weapons capability. However, the cui
bono? test has never been applied to the Zionist state in any official investigation of the JFK assassination.
But a highly intelligent and patriotically motivated researcher by the name of Michael Collins Piper has applied the cui bono? test to the Zionist state and the international web of conspiracy which he describes
in detail in his book, Final Judgment: The Missing Link in the JFK Assassination Conspiracy,
is indeed quite startling. Michael Collins Piper has shined a light in some rather dark places. In the name of
peace and justice, I implore you, Chief Justice Rehnquist, to look at his work which I believe you will find compelling, for
it may well be that deeply rooted treason and corruption have prevented a truly just and comprehensive peace in the Middle
East, including a region from the Nile to the Euphrates rivers free from the threat of weapons of mass destruction.
(Piper's Final Judgment may be obtained at 888 699 6397.) Finally,
I note that the Talmudic law of the moser, or the law of the Jewish informer, is essentially a covenant prohibiting a Jew
from informing on another Jew to a non-Jew, which is diametrically opposed to the adversarial process of our own legal system
and therefore conducive toward obstruction of justice. Furthermore, among employees at all levels in our intelligence
and law enforcement communities, the law of the moser constitutes an impediment to frank and uninhibited exchanges of information
in the discharge of their duties and therefore poses a threat to our national security. I cannot overemphasize the great
importance of this very real issue of the law of the moser, or law of the Jewish informer, the history of which you can read
online at www.JewishEncyclopedia.com. In my complaint of judicial misconduct docketed under Miscellaneous Number 01-0030 on 1 June
2001 by the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals, 11th Circuit, I cite a living rabbi's more recent (1997) published
article promulgating the law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer. Again, this is a very real issue, not unlike
the Mafioso code of omertà. The Warren Commission was oblivious to it. So was the 9/11 Commission.
We continue to ignore this issue at our national peril. Let us address in a forthright manner this issue of the Talmudic
law of the moser or law of the Jewish informer and its legal, national security and foreign policy implications.Very truly yours,Stephen M. St. JohnCopy
to: Associate Justice John Paul Stevens
Associate Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
Associate Justice Antonin Scalia
Associate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy
Associate Justice David Hackett Souter
Associate Justice Clarence Thomas
Associate Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
Associate Justice Stephen G. Breyer
Michael Collins Piper
Supplementary note to readers
of this letter posted on the Internet
The following two sections A & B show verbatim reproductions of the texts of the 29
November 1963 Hoover memo and the 22 November 1963 Kitchel memo. The original copies show time
stamps, routing designations, declassification stamps, signatures, handwritten initials and the like, whereas the verbatim
reproductions that follow show only the text. Copies of the originals were attached to the letter mailed to Chief Justice
Rehnquist. Click here to view scanned copies of the originals.A
***Verbatim Reproduction of 29 November 1963 Hoover FBI Memo***Date:
November 29, 1963To:
Bureau of Intelligence and Research
Department of StateFrom: John
Edgar Hoover, DirectorSubject: ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY
NOVEMBER 22, 1963 Our Miami, Florida, Office on November 23, 1963,
advised that the Office of Coordinator of Cuban Affairs in Miami advised that the Department of State feels some misguided
anti-Castro group might capitalize on the present situation and undertake an unauthorized raid against Cuba, believing that
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy might herald a change in U. S. policy, which is not true. Our sources and informants familiar with Cuban matters in
the Miami area advise that the general feeling in the anti-Castro Cuban community is one of stunned disbelief and, even among
those who did not entirely agree with the President's policy concerning Cuba, the feeling is that the President's death represents
a great loss not only to the U. S. but to all of Latin America. These sources know of no plans for unauthorized action
against Cuba. An informant who has
furnished reliable information in the past and who is close to a small pro-Castro group in Miami has advised that these individuals
are afraid that the assassination of the President may result in strong repressive measures being taken against them and,
although pro-Castro in their feelings, regret the assassination.
The substance of the foregoing information was orally furnished to Mr. George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency and
Captain William Edwards of the Defense Intelligence Agency on November 23, 1963, by Mr. W. T. Forsyth of this Bureau.B ***Verbatim Reproduction of
22 November 1963 Kitchel FBI Memo***TO: SAC, HOUSTON
DATE: 11-22-63FROM: SA GRAHAM W. KITCHELSUBJECT: UNKNOWN SUBJECT;
ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT
JOHN F. KENNEDY At 1:45 p.m. Mr. GEORGE
H. W. BUSH, President of the Zapata Off-Shore Drilling Company, Houston, Texas, residence 5525 Briar, Houston, telephonically
furnished the following information to writer by long distance telephone call from Tyler, Texas.
BUSH stated that he wanted to be kept confidential but wanted to furnish hearsay that he recalled hearing in recent weeks,
the day and source unknown. He stated that one JAMES PARROTT has been talking of killing the President when he comes
to Houston. BUSH stated that PARROTT
is possibly a student at the University of Houston and is active in political matters in this area. He stated that he
felt Mrs. FAWLEY, telephone number SU 2-5239, or ARLINE SMITH, telephone number JA 9-9194 of the Harris County Republican
Party Headquarters would be able to furnish additional information regarding the identity of PARROTT. BUSH stated that he was proceeding to Dallas, Texas, would
remain in the Sheraton-Dallas Hotel and return to his residence on 11-23-63. His office telephone number is CA 2-0395.
6 APRIL 2009
Text of fax broadcast:
WILL GEORGE H. W. BUSH CARRY SECRETS OF JFK ASSASSINATION TO
6 APRIL 2009
NEW YORK, NEW YORK * 6 APRIL 2009 Citizen of the
USA Stephen M. St. John addresses the international community in Washington and here in New York City, all members of the
US Congress as well as other organizations and individuals, public and private, and notes a sly manipulation of the historical
record in the recently released book, Family of Secrets, by Russ Baker (New York,
New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009).
On page 59 Baker asserts without any evidence whatsoever that George H.
W. Bush, after having flown back to Dallas from Tyler, Texas on the afternoon of 22 November 1963, "left again
almost immediately on a commercial flight to Houston." Such a ploy by an otherwise seemingly meticulous researcher
is a dodgy way to steer readers from conclusions made in Citizen St. John's letter of 31 January 2005 to then Chief Justice
of the United States William H. Rehnquist, copies of which were faxed to all members of the US Congress, some of whom gave
interesting replies, with some signed by hand. See http://www.show-the-house.com/id6.html.
There is no evidence that Bush did not stay overnight in Dallas on 22-23 November according to the advice he gave
the FBI earlier that day.
As shown in the Letter to Rehnquist, both George H. W. Bush and Jack Ruby were engaged
in the promulgation of Lee Harvey Oswald's false and misleading public persona as a pro-Castro agitator.
of the Bush/Ruby spin on Oswald go to the heart of the matter, and Mr. Baker apparently doesn't want to go there, and finds
it convenient to fabricate an alibi for Bush by saying without proof that Bush went home to Houston that Friday afternoon.
Lurking in the background, of course, is the CIA's then Chief of Counterintelligence and "Israel Desk,"
James Jesus Angleton, who opposed JFK's policy of a nuclear weapons free Middle East and also kept track of Oswald.
The Angleton/Eliot Same Man theory gives a quantum leap to our understanding of the JFK assassination and the Jewish state's
nuclear weapons program.
Better understanding of history will best illuminate our future and support President
Obama's call to eliminate WMDs worldwide.
Visit http://www.show-the-house.com/id35.html to buy historic Schlesinger letter, the first notable reference to the Angleton/Eliot Same Man Theory, which was later confirmed
by former CIA Director Richard Helms in his autobiography.
Price: $3,000,000.00 (20% off for nations
under crippling sanctions; no discount for nations stronger despite sanctions)
Stephen M. St. John
New York, New York 10185
Photo below shows
the entrance of the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the assassination of US President John F. Kennedy. At
far left stands a man with a remarkable resemblance to George Herbert Walker Bush. FBI agent Graham Kitchel alleges
that Bush called from Tyler, Texas around this time. Was Kitchel providing an alibi for Bush? In the subsequent
24 hour period, Bush and Jack Ruby worked feverishly to portray the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, as a pro-Castro activist,
when in fact he had worked with anti-Castro groups.
below is a close-up of man who looks like George H. W. Bush outside the Texas School Book Depository minutes after the JFK
assassination. Superior WASP profile constitutes good grounds for interrogation of Bush, but even though this photo
has circulated in the JFK assassination research community for well over a decade, Bush may very well go to his grave without
explaining his highly questionable activities in Dallas on 22 and 23 November 1963.
UPDATE 17 September 2012
A reader wrote on 6 September 2012:
Dear Mr. St. John:
I have been re-reading Russ Baker's book...and your website...and have a question.
It appears that H.W. ("Poppy") Bush was, in fact, in Dallas the night before,
and during the day of, the Kennedy assassination (note, particularly his photo in front of the TSBD). Yet, it appears
that he was also in Tyler, Texas, in the middle of that day. There were witnesses to his attendance at the Tyler Kiwannis
luncheon on that day, and there was the SUPPOSEDLY legitimate phone call to the Dallas FBI office from Tyler (an
apparent intelligence world "block and bridge" move, to cover himself). Did the Kiwannis people lie (and the
phone records were fudged)? Or did Bush--perhaps--witness the murder, grab a cup of java, then pop over to
Tyler--via a private plane--to nicely establish an alibi? Of course, there is also the silly letter by Barbara
Here is my response:
Dear XXXXX XXXXX,
Thanks again for your email last week.
This is my reply to your “slightly more complete” version of your inquiry made on 6 September 2012.
First let me deal with
the photo. If you would please look
more carefully where I posted this photo (www.show-the-house.com/id6.html) you will see that I clearly reference a George H. W. Bush (GHWB) look-a-like shown standing near the entrance of the Texas
School Book Depository within minutes of the JFK assassination. I for one do not make the positive identification
of this GHWB look-a-like that you seem to make. I do indicate on my webpage the urgent need to interview
GHWB concerning this photo and the statements attributed to him in the Kitchel memo. Of course if positive
identification is made, then the Tyler scenario falls apart.
Now let me get to the other points raised in your query. Where
you refer to “H. W. (“Poppy”) Bush” I take it you mean George H. W. Bush, the former President of
the United States.
wrote, "It appears that H. W. ("Poppy") Bush was, in fact, in Dallas the night before, and during the day of,
the Kennedy assassination."i I am not aware of any proof that GHWB was in Dallas the night
before our president was slain. Russ Baker makes the supposition that GHWB was in Dallas the night before.
He might be right. But he offers no evidence whatsoever. Worse, on top of this
supposition he stacks another supposition; namely, that GHWB misled Kitchel about his intent to stay at the Sheraton-Dallas
on Friday night (22 November) so as to sow confusion and hide for whatever reason his putative Thursday night (21 November)
stay in Dallas. (See page 59 of Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets) This
is a very far-fetched explanation and conclusion.
You also wrote of GHWB, "Yet, it appears that he was also in Tyler, Texas, in the middle of that day.
There were witnesses to his attendance at the Tyler Kiwannis luncheon on that day." There are only
two known witnesses to GHWB’s presence in Tyler when news of the murder of JFK broke, and only one of his being at the
Kiwanis luncheon there. GHWB’s wife Barbara recollects being in Tyler with her husband GHWB in her
memoir. (See pages 59 and 60 of Barbara Bush: A Memoir) Barbara Bush does not
mention Kiwanis at all. We get that from Kitty Kelley, who interviewed the then vice-president of Kiwanis
in Tyler, Aubrey Irby, on 11 September 2002, an anniversary day when protecting the Bush name could easily be conflated with
defending our national security and sovereignty. (See Kitty Kelley’s The Family, pages 212
and 213 and the notes for Chapter 12 on pages 646 and 647) And since we know from the author Joseph McBride
that in the mid-to-late 1980’s (well before the 1993 declassification of the Kitchel memo) GHWB and his staff lied repeatedly
to him about GHWB’s whereabouts on 22 November 1963, and about the identity of the “George Bush of the CIA”
mentioned by FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover in his 29 November 1963 memo, Barbara Bush’s intimate association with GHWB
and his staff makes her testimony in this matter worthless. As you yourself wrote, "Of course, there
is also the silly letter by Barbara Bush." Indeed!
Where you wrote, "and there was the SUPPOSEDLY legitimate
phone call to the Dallas FBI office from Tyler, an apparent intelligence world "block and bridge" move (to cover
himself)," let me make one correction and three comments. The call went to FBI agent Graham Kitchel
in Houston, not Dallas. One, I am not aware of any standard investigative procedures vis-à-vis
phone records in this matter. So here we can only speculate. (Speculation can get as
wild as Hoover’s having concocted a fake record of such a call to have a card to play against the CIA) Two,
we must remind ourselves that in 1963 nobody had heard of the Freedom of Information Act and therefore individuals engaged
in a high level conspiracy could proceed with perfect confidence that their actions would be above and beyond scrutiny.
Three, the term “block and bridge,” which I first learned from Russ Baker’s 2009 book, has more to
do with public relations or damage control after an unwelcome fact has already surfaced in the public domain than to clandestine
arrangements made in a confidential call from an intelligence operative to an agent of the FBI.
Where you wrote, "Did the Kiwannis people
lie (and the phone records were fudged? Or did Bush--perhaps--witness the murder, grab a cup of java, then pop over
to Tyler--via a private plane--to nicely establish an alibi?" Let me repeat: There
are no “Kiwannis people” but just one Kiwanis person, Aubrey Irby. There are only two known
Tyler witnesses, Barbara Bush and Aubrey Irby. Neither impresses me as a reliable witness, especially when
phone records, Kiwanis records, hotel records, and airport flight records have not been checked to verify what these witnesses
is my theory. And I repeat the word “theory,” which must be ruled in or out. GHWB
was inside the Texas School Book Depository before, during and after the JFK assassination. He was working
from afar with CIA Counterintelligence Chief James Jesus Angleton, who maintained an active CIA file on Lee Harvey Oswald
at the time. GHWB was there to tie up the pay phone so that Oswald could not use it after the shots had
been fired and he sensed betrayal. Then after Oswald left the building GHWB made the call to FBI agent
Kitchel in Houston. The real message between the lines to Kitchel was to establish GHWB’s contact
point that evening at the Sheraton Dallas Hotel. Around this time GHWB may well have been the mystery person
who made the call that first fingered and described Oswald. For the rest of the day and into the night,
GHWB was busy in his patrician way making sure the false and misleading public persona of Oswald would be established as fact.
According to Warren Commission
Hearings depositions that I have read, Jack Ruby was also busy in Dallas where he was lining up sound-bite interviews of District
Attorney Henry Wade by news media personnel whose friendship he had cultivated with white paper sacks of corned beef and pastrami
sandwiches with pickles and celery flavored soda from the local deli. At a late night press conference
at Dallas Police Headquarters Ruby openly interrupted and contradicted District Attorney Henry Wade who had initially and
correctly said that Oswald was associated with anti-Castro groups. Wade immediately accepted Ruby’s
blunt assertion that Oswald worked with a pro-Castro group as though Ruby was an acknowledged authority on the subject.
Of course GHWB was also heavily involved with anti-Castro groups. And Hoover’s 29 November
1963 memo that mentions “George Bush of the CIA” dovetails nicely with this theme by indirectly ratifying Oswald’s
false “pro-Castro” public persona.
Taking a step back in order to strive for objectivity and balance, the GHWB Dallas scenario greatly outweighs the
Tyler scenario in importance. Barbara Bush’s 2004 memoir rules out the GHWB Dallas scenario entirely.
So does Kitty Kelley in her 2004 book. My 2005 letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist is the first attempt
to “go there.” Russ Baker’s 2009 book is the only known effort to “follow there,”
but in a clumsy way that obfuscates. He is deeply skeptical of Barbara Bush’s “Dearest Family”
letter supposedly written on the day of the JFK assassination, yet he accepts her version of events describing Dallas as a
brief stopover on the way back to Houston and not an overnight destination for her husband GHWB as explicitly stated in the
Kitchel memo. GHWB and Jack Ruby working in Dallas on Lee Harvey Oswald’s false public persona is
a taboo subject because of its vast and dangerous implications. Russ Baker is steering people in another
direction, as though in concert with Barbara Bush and Kitty Kelley.
Here is Russ Baker’s definition of “block and bridge”:
In the art of propaganda, and in the daily business of public relations, a cardinal rule is that if a problem emerges,
it must be managed immediately. The trick is to quickly acknowledge and gain control of the new material,
mitigating the damage by redirecting it in a beneficial way. This is known in tradecraft as “block
and bridge.” (See page 52 of Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets)
The individual efforts of Barbara Bush (1994),
Kitty Kelley (2004) and Russ Baker (2009) to handle the problem of the GHWB-in-Dallas scenario as per the 22 November 1963
Kitchel memo (declassified in 1993) all lack at least one element of Russ Baker’s definition of “block and bridge.”
On the other hand, and by way of contrast, and as a virtually unknown researcher and writer, the element of surprise
has worked in my favor. My 2005 letter to Chief Justice Rehnquist was, in the space of about three days,
faxed to every member of Congress, both in the Senate and House, and at all their offices, both at home and in Washington.
It was also faxed to nearly every embassy in Washington and mission to the United Nations in New York, as well as many
other individuals and institutions in the public and private sectors. I’m sure this letter shocked
people. Yes, it was quickly forgotten. But I’m on record, and Russ Baker’s
book seems to me a weak attempt to refute my letter to Rehnquist without referring to it or naming me or otherwise acknowledging
my unique and original and searching handing of the subject matter.
It was an important exercise for me to gather my thoughts on this long-neglected
topic. So I thank you for making this the opportunity to do so. I don’t have all
the answers. My memory needs refreshing. But I am determined, if there is still time, to find these things
and kind regards,
M. St. John
Post Office Box 720274
San Jose, CA 95172 firstname.lastname@example.org
UPDATE 20 September 2012
1963 November 22
President of the
United States John F. Kennedy is assassinated in Dallas, Texas at 12:30 PM local time. Although he was instantly killed
to a medical certitude by a shot to the head, he was not pronounced dead until 1:00PM at Parkland Memorial Hospital.
1963 November 22
Agent Graham Kitchel writes memo of a call at 1:45 PM local time from “George H. W. Bush” who said he was in
Tyler, Texas and who declared his intention to stay overnight 22-23 November 1963 at the Sheraton Dallas Hotel. This
memo would remain classified for nearly 30 years.
1963 November 24
Jack Ruby kills the accused assassin of President Kennedy, Lee
Harvey Oswald, whom Texas State Attorney General Waggoner Carr later revealed to be an FBI informant (ID#S0179) being paid
$200 a month.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover writes a memo on the possible repercussions from the JFK assassination
within the Cuban-American community, and declares that the contents of this memo were “orally furnished to George
Bush of the CIA”; President of the United States Lyndon B. Johnson issues an executive order that establishes the
Justice of the United States Earl Warren deposes Jack Ruby.
1964 September 27
Publication of the Warren Commission
Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison establishes that Lee Harvey Oswald worked with anti-Castro groups within the intelligence
community in New Orleans where he was “sheep-dipped” to take on the guise of a pro-Castro agitator.
1976 - 1978
States House Select Committee on Assassinations concludes that President Kennedy was very likely assassinated as the result
of a conspiracy rather than by "a lone nut."
The 29 November 1963 Hoover memo is published for the first time
by Nation magazine and elicits lies and evasions from Vice President of the United States -- and Republican candidate for
President -- George H. W. Bush and his staff and advisors. Bush could not remember his whereabouts when JFK was killed,
and his wife Barbara did not help him with her own recollections based on her "Dearest Family" letter of 22 November
1963 which surfaced in her memoir published in 1994, less than a year after the release of the Kitchel memo.
On a personal visit to FBI Headquarters
in Washington, DC I obtain a copy of Hoover’s 29 November 1963 memo.
1991 December 20
Mark Lane’s Plausible Denial, which contains a copy of the 29 November 1963 Hoover memo.
Release date of
JFK the film, which has an enormous impact around the world.
Publication of CIA Officer Robert Morrow’s Firsthand
Knowledge, which also contains a copy of the 29 November 1963 Hoover memo.
October 13 (Wednesday)
The Assassination Records Review Board is established by law and
then works to collect and preserve evidence pertaining to the JFK assassination for public scrutiny.
As the deadline
fast approached, I hand deliver to the Clerk of the Court of Appeals for the 2nd Circuit complaints of judicial
misconduct (93-8533 and 93-8534) after a phone conversation with the clerk’s office revealed that the complaints that
I had mailed weeks before could not be found. One of the complained of judges was John Walker, a cousin
of George H. W. Bush, who had appointed Walker to the appellate bench. Judge Walker did not recuse himself
in my “frivolous” appeal of a “frivolous” lower court case that touched on the matter of George
H. W. Bush and the Kennedy assassination.
October 15 (Friday)
The Graham Kitchel FBI memo of 22 November 1963, which reports
a call from “George H. W. Bush” who said that he was in Tyler, Texas and who declared his intention to stay
overnight 22-23 November 1963 at the Sheraton Dallas Hotel, is declassified. The news media blacks out the Kitchel
memo, but it slowly spreads on the Internet.
Publication of Barbara Bush: A Memoir,
which states that she and her husband George H. W. Bush left Tyler by plane and made brief stopovers at Fort Worth and
Dallas before proceeding directly to Houston, Texas on the afternoon of 22 November 1963.
2001 November 1
George W. Bush, son of former Vice-President and President George H. W. Bush, issues Executive Order 13233 which limits access
to the records of former Presidents and Vice-Presidents of the USA. (On his first day in office, 21 January 2009, President
Barack Obama revoked this Executive Order 13233.)
Publication of Kitty Kelley’s The Family, which
repeats Barbara Bush’s assertion that she and her husband George H. W. Bush went back to Houston on the afternoon
of 22 November 1963. Kelley refers to the Kitchel memo in the notes, but does not give the text and does
not entertain the scenario of George H. W. Bush in Dallas on 22-23 November 1963.
2005 January 31
My letter to Chief
Justice of the United States William H. Rehnquist, which explores the scenario of George H. W. Bush in Dallas on 22-23 November
1963, and how it jibes well with the Kitchel memo of 22 November 1963, the Hoover memo of 29 November 1963, and the efforts
of Jack Ruby to promote the false and misleading public persona of Lee Harvey Oswald as a pro-Castro provocateur, is mailed
to him and his colleagues on the Supreme Court and then faxed to every member of the US Congress, every embassy in Washington,
every mission to the United Nations in New York, and to many other individuals and institutions in the public and private
of Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets, which accepts Barbara Bush’s recollection that she and her husband
George H. W. Bush returned to Houston, Texas on the afternoon of 22 November 1963 despite his having expressed strong skepticism
of Barbara Bush as a reliable witness. To the best of my knowledge and belief, Baker's Family of Secrets is the first
book to publish the text of FBI agent Graham Kitchel's 22 November 1963 memo. But Baker strains credulity in a vain
attempt to dismiss the scenario of George H. W. Bush's overnight stay in Dallas on 22 and 23 November 1963.
George W. Bush and George H. W. Bush violate custom and do not attend the Republican National Convention
at which Willard Mitt Romney accepts nomination as Republican candidate for President of the United States.
This continues to be a work in progress!